A plea to human rights activists to prevent the murder of Hossain Khazri by IRI

Dear human rights activist,

As you are known for your activities on behalf of human rights, you may well remember the young collage student , Hossain Khazri, who wrote to all human rights activist from Islamic Republic of Iran's torture chambers.

Hossain Khazri wrote to you about his death sentence and gave a moving account of the tortures that he has suffered. He wrote about the forced confessions and his five minute show trial.

He also asked that all human rights activists to take up his case and help him defend himself against the false charges and his death sentence.


He spoke honestly and from his heart on behalf of all young pro democracy activists in IRI prisons. He gave us a frightening glimpse of what goes on behind the walls of Iran's political prisons.


He has now been moved from the prison where he has been held in north west Iran to Evin prison where most political prisoners are executed. There is a grate fear that he may be executed in secret.

Dear human rights warrior, we the Iranian diaspora and all human rights activists, implore you to do what ever is in your power to prevent this barbaric act.

Islamic Republic has a history of mass killing of prisoners of conscience. During the bloody summer of 1988, in two short weeks, IR killed  thousands of our young people without a proper trial or the right of representation in court.


Our students, lawyers, journalists, teachers and labor activists in IRI jails suffer inhumane conditions and barbaric torture. We now fear that IRI may be getting ready to take on another mass murder of prisoners of conscience. There must be decisive and clear action to prevent such tragedy from occurring again.

We ask you to hold IRI responsible for crimes against humanity in an international level. We ask you to request that the governments of EU and US impose human rights sanctions on leaders of IRI responsible for detaining, torturing and killing of prisoners of conscience.Your attention will save the lives of generation of pro democracy activists in Iran.


With regards,

Union for Advancement of Secular Democracy in Iran (UASDI)

http://iranma.org/
hkowsari@hotmail.com 
Contact Number: 818-472-9996
Media Contact:
Kourosh Parsa
kparsa@optonline.net
203-570-6964

Please add my name
Hamid Kowsari
phone: 818-472-9996

Kazem Alamdari
Mohammad Ebrahimi
Dlshad Horami
پویا صادق وزیری
شیرین دباغی
کژال نقشبندی

Hoshang Sna

Pershang Fa

Selah Hossainpanahi

Amir Hosain Heidari

Amir Laki

Amjad Zamani

Artimis Rasti

Azad Moradian

Aziz Bikas

Azouz Esla

Bahar Zand

Bave Fexro Inan

Behrooz Azad

Berhim Paşa

Dawod Azadfar

Diako Hawraami

Didar Banki

Fariba Mohammadian

Gazizah Baran

Gül Aygün

Hadi Khoujinian

Halgord Bikhoda

Hamid Arhenji Pour

jalal naveh

Jalal Rawangard

Jaleh Irani

Jamal Marivan

Jamilah Hakimi

jamilah Hakimi

Jamshid Bahrami

Jamshid Bahrami

Josiane Hêvî Villaz

Kardo Shorsh

Karin Atashak

Katy Shaybani

kevin ketabi

Khaled Ravan Duost

Khalid isafii

Laleh Shariati

Mahi Dar KhAk

mahin kurdistani

Mehrnoush Naderi

Mohammad Ebrahimi

Mojgan Khorshidi

Nastaran Nasirzadeh

Neda Shahbazi،

Negar Hakimi

Parivash Pouremamali-Mahaleh

Rahman Jihani

reza kaabi

Sabri Bahmany

Saghi Salehi Majd

Samira Ha

Shahnaz Gholami

Shams Irani Azad

Shler Bapiri

Siawesh Salehi

Soheila Maleki

Soheila Sabri

Soheila Tavangar

Soran Viyan

tara vaziri

Ware Min Urmiye

Yvette Gharibian

Face Book Pages:

Sara Aryaei,  Flashmob ForIran, Petra Plötz, Khorshid Sun, Mohsen Khatami, Parvaneh Masruri,

Shadi Shahin, Paolo Merolla, Eva Shannon, Miryam Muit, Sara Aryaei, Saman Dory, Marye Bari, Dastan Mansur, Iman Shirali, Paul Meichun, Paul Woodland, Rob Watson, Mahin Shokrolapoor , Shohreh Irani, John Burke, Fereshteh Farahani, Sara Banu, Elahe Zartoshti, Peymaneh Mirshafei, Neda Demokrat, Gül Aygün ,Mehr Emadi, Peymaneh Mirshafei, Tavalodi Digar, Mariacarmela Ribecco, Behnam Hajar, Bahman Asadi, Atoos Irani

List of other petitions in support of Hossain Khazri:
Amnesty International http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE13/038/2010/en 
http://www.gopetition.com/petition/39780.html
http://tweetstorm.blogspot.com/2011/01/plea-to-human-rights-activists-to.html   (this letter)



<Your name>
<Web site or FB Page , phone number and email address here>

Send To:

npillay@ohchr.org; Iran_team@amnesty.org; michael.spindelegger@bmeia.gv.at; kab.bz@diplobel.fed.be; info@mvp.gov.ba; iprd@mfa.government.bg; ministar@mvpei.hr; minforeign1@mfa.gov.cy; podatelna@mzv.cz; udenrigsministeren@um.dk; vminfo@vm.ee; umi@formin.fi; bernard.kouchner@diplomatie.gouv.fr; inform@mfa.gov.ge; guido.westerwelle@auswaertiges-amt.de; gpapandreou@parliament.gr; titkarsag.konz@kum.hu; external@utn.stjr.is; minister@dfa.ie; gabinetto@cert.esteri.it,; segreteria.frattini@esteri.it; mfa.cha@mfa.gov.lv; urm@urm.lt; tonio.borg@gov.mt; secdep@mfa.md; m.verhagen@minbuza.nl; post@mfa.no; DNZPC.Sekretariat@msz.gov.pl; miguel.moratinos@maec.es; registrator@foreign.ministry.se; info@eda.admin.ch; tehran@unesco.org

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Letter in defense of political prisoners on death row in Iran

Dear Sir or Madam, 

As you are no doubt aware the people of Iran have been engaged in a thirty year struggle for their basic human rights, which have been further reduced during the last eighteen months by the Islamic republic.  Since the crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations sparked by the June 12 Coup d’état ,Ahmadinejad’s illegitimate government  has accelerated the already unreasonable rate of executions in Iran.

The sudden execution of two political prisoners, Ali Saremi and Alireza Siadat and the subsequent execution of Fasih Yasamani  on January 6th of this year, heightens the fears of start of another mass murder of prisoners of conscience similar to the events of 1988.

Prisoners of conscience are now more than ever in danger of sudden execution, as lawyers in Iran are also under attack for defending their clients.  Many lawyers are also imprisoned or have been put under caution for defending their clients.

Thus, the courts issue verdicts without allowing proper representation for the prisoners and often condemn them to death based on confessions obtained under torture.  As such, the sentences handed down by such methods and without proper representation are not only null and void by international legal standards but even by the very legal system of the Islamic Republic.

Many a brave men and women are now suffering unbearable torment and facing only unjust death at the hands of this lawless government. We ask you to pay special attention to the case of prisoners of conscience in Iran and take every possible action to protect their lives.

Following is the names of the prisoners of conscience condemned to death:

Hoassain Khazri, Habibolah latifi, Loghman Moradi, Zynar Moradi, Zeinab Jalalian, Mohbat Mahmoodi, Abdolrahman Narooie, Abdolreza Haldchi, Abdolemam Zaeri, Abdolreza Navaseri, Abdolwahed (Hiwa) Butimar, Abduljalil Riggi, Abed Gahram Zahi, Ahmad Daneshpour Moghadam, Ahmad Pooladkhani, Ahmad Saedi, Ali Halafi, Ali Heidarian, Ali Saedi, Alireza Salman Delphi, Amir Amrollahi, Amir Reza Arefi, Anvar Rostami, Aziz Mohammadzadeh, Reyhaneh Jabbari , Caziye Dervis Zade, Doayr Mahawi , Ebrahim Hamidi, Farah Vazehan, Ghader (Qader) Mohammadzadeh, Habibullah Golparipour, Habibollah Latifi , Hasan Talei, Iraj Mohammadi, Jafar Kazemi, Jahangir Badozadeh, Khaled Hardani, Leila Kaabi, Maher Mahawi, Mahmoud Rigi, Majid Faradipour (Mahawi), Mehdi Sadeghlou, Mohammad Ali Haj Aghaei, Mohammad Amin Abdollahi, Mohammad Amin Agooshi, Mohammad Reza Haddadi, Mostafa Salimi, Motahareh Bahrami, Muslim Elhaie, Nasser Shebakhshi, Nazim Boryhi, Oudeh Afrawi, Ramazan Ahmad, Rashid Akhkandi, Rostam  Arkiya, Saeed Ramazan, Safar Angooti, Sarhad Chalesh, Sayed Jamal Mohammadi, Seyed Sami Hosseini, Sherkoh Moarefi, Walid Naisi,Yahyar Naseri, Yousuf Leftehpour, Zahra Bahrami.

Please pay special attention to the following prisoners as their lives are in grave danger, Habibolah Golpari Pour, Habibolah Latifi, Zinab Jalalian, Shirko Moaarefi, Hiwa Boutimar, loghman Moradi, Zinar moradi Nasrolah Sarvarian and specially Jafar Kazemi and Mohammad Ali Aghai  who are to be executed Tuesday Jan. 11th ,2011.

Finally, we the undersigned implore you to consider these executions as further proof of Islamic Republic’s crimes against humanity and endeavor to bring IR to justice in an international human rights court.

Thank you,

<Your Name here>

Send To:

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جوانان اعدامی، جیمز باند مریوان ودزد سر گردنه گیر ، داستان زانیارو لقمان مرادی، جلیل فتاحی و هیوا تاب

بعد از این مصاحبه من دوباره با  دوستان ساکن مریوان تماس گرفتم که بعضی از این جزئیات را بیشتر تحقیق کنم .
داستان از پسر امام جمعه مریوان شروع میشود. این جوان با وجود اینکه پسر  امام جمعه بوده ولی در میان مردم معروف بوده  به کمک به کسانی که با سپاه و عوامل رژیم درگیری پیدا میکردند. یکی از همین دوستان به من گفت که خود ایشان دو بار به کمک همین پسر جوان از دست ماموران جمهوری اسلامی  نجات پیدا کرده است. نفر دوم این قصه کسی است به نام هیوا تاب که از اهالی مریوان بوده و همکاری های گستردهای به ماموران دولت داشته . به گفته مردم هیوا تاب معروف بوده که باج گیری و آدم کشی و گفته میشود حدود ۵۰ -۶۰ نفر را به قتل رسانده . از جمله جنایات این شخص کشتن چوپان ها است که در نقاط دور دست  گله داری میکردند. هیوا تاب بعد از کشتن اینها لباس پیشمرگان را به تنشان میکرده و به عنوان پیشمرگ جسد آنها را به دولت میفروخته و برای هر کدام مبلغ کلانی می گرفته.حتا گفته شده که هیوا تاب و باند او بودند که سه آمریکایی را در خاک عراق دزدیدند و به دست ماموران جمهوری اسلامی دادند . خبری در میان مردم آمده که یک زمانی هیوا تاب دست به باج گیری از خوانواده امام جمعه زده  ولی  آنها هیوا تاب دست گیر کردند و  دست و پا بسته به همدان بردند و آنجا پیاده رهایش کردند. به گفته مردم ، هیوا تاب برای انتقام از این عمل ، بعد از برگشتن به مریوان به ماشین پسر امام جمعه حمله کرده و او را به همراه چند نفر دیگر  به قتل رسانده. چندی بعد به اصراراما م جمعه  مریوان ، آقای مصطفی شیر زادی ،هیوا تاب  دستگیر شده و اکنون در زندان مریوان است . شنیده شده که هیوا تاب در زندان شغل باز جویی از زندانیان را دارد.
و اما حالا داستان جاسوس انگلیسی  . چون جلیل فتاحی هم اهل  مریوان بوده من از این دوستان پرسیدم که از او چه میدانند و چطور ممکن است که جاسوس انگلیسی در میان مردم مریوان خود را پنهان کند. آیا در مریوان چیزی هست که برای ان جاسوسی واجب باشد؟  دوستان با خنده جواب دادند که آقای فتاحی از ساکنان قدیمی مریوان است و مرغ داری و یک تاکسی داشته و نه تنها جاسوس نبوده بلکه فعال مدنی و اجتماعی بوده . به گفته این دوستان ایشون از سرمایه خود به جوانان معتاد کمک میکردند و از این نظر شناخته شده بودند. مدتی هم ایشون برای  اداره جنگلبانی و حفاظت محیط زیست کار میکردند. در این زمان آقای فتاحی متوجه کشت زارهای واسیع خشخاش در جنگلهای مریوان شدند و باور داشتند که این کشتزارها متعلق به سپاه پاسداران است و دلیل سوزاندن جنگلهای مریوان برای آمده کردن زمین برای کشت خشخاش است . پرسیدم پس شما باور ندارید که ایشون جاسوس انگلیس بوده و  دستور قتل پسر امام جمعه را داده ؟ دوباره صدای خنده دوستان از پشت تلفن آمد که آخر اگر ایشون و همسرشون جاسوس بودند ،چرا همسرشون به راحتی از فرودگاه تهران به انگلیس پرواز کرده؟ و حتا هم اگر جاسوس بودند چرا پسر امام جمعه را بکشند؟ چرا سردار های سپاه را نکشتند ؟
به  هر حال بد دلیل اینکه من دسترسی به آقای فتاحی نداشتم این مساله جاسوس بودن ایشان را رها کردم و ازدوستان از  لقمان پرسیدم  و رابطه لقمان با خوانواده فتاحی . گویا بعد از فرار آقای فتاحی از ایران دو تا ماشین در خانه  ایشان بوده که کار نمیکرده و لقمان چون بدرش به ماشین تریلی کوچک دسترسی داشته این دو ماشین را از جلوی خانه اینها برداشته و برده است . این تنها حلقه ای بود که توانستم پیدا کنم که لقمان را به این قصه وصل میکرد.
البته من این را به اختیار شما میگذارم که برای خود تصمیم بگیرید ، آیا جاسوس انگلیسی در مریوان به این دو جوان که هیچ کدام سابقه کار سیاسی یا غیر قانونی ندارند  پول داده که پسر اما جمعه را به قتل برسانند و یا هیوا تاب ، آدم کشی که سالها  با دولت همکاری میکرده از خط قرمز رد شده و پسر امام جمعه را از روی کینه کشته .  آیا جمهوری اسلامی به جای اقبال مرادی میخواهد پسرش زینار را اعدام کند و این داستان مسخره ۰۰۷ مریوان را درست کرده که با یک تیر دو نشان بزند?  هم از اقبال مرادی انتقام بگیرد و هم دلیلی برای قتل فعال مدنی جلیل فتاحی بدست بیاورد. 

Boys on Death row, Kurdish James Bond & the Highway Killer, Zaniar & Loghman Moradi, Jalil Fatahi & Haiwa Tab

As you know, Zaniar and Loghman Moradi were arrested for assassination of the son of Imam Jomeeh (Friday Prayer leader) of Marivan (city in Kurdistan of Iran). Supposedly, an MI6 agent Jalil Fatahi, had paid them to kill the young man. A charge that would be funny if it did not involve hanging two innocent young men. So I started calling around and found some connection to Marivan. Marivan is a rather small city, old fashioned in a sense that people know each other and most have lived there for many generations. I found a person who connected me with Zaniar's father and had a short interview with him . Details in (http://ahvalvatan.blogspot.com/2011/01/interview-with-aghbal-moradi-father-of.html).
                                                                                            


After talking to Zanyar's father I understood why Zanyar was arrested. I still could not see the relationship between Zaniar and Mr. Jalali. Since Mr. Jalali is now in hiding some where in England, presumably, I had to ask the people of Marivan to fill in the details.

So this is how the story begins, Zaniar's father is an active member of one of the Kurdish parties and has been jailed by IR before. Finally he had to leave Iran. His youngest son Zaniar decided to stay to take care of his grand parents> Moradi's felt safe because Zaniar was not involved in any kind of political activity. Last year IR tried to assassinate Eghbal Moradi, Zaniar's father. He was badly injured but survived. A few months later, Zaniar was arrested in Iran.
It is not uncommon for IR to arrest family members of the opposition so arresting Zaniar in revenge against his father did make sense.
However, there are many odd points about this story. One of the most important ones is that there is a man already in jail for killing the son of Imam Jomeeh! He is a highway man and known to work for the IR. His name is Haiwa Tab. There is a rumor that he is the man that arrested the 3 American hikers in Iraq and delivered them to IR. It is also a known face that he had a contract with the IR to kill Kurdish rebels known as Pish Margehs (the sacrificial ones). For years, shepherds and the mountain people in Marivan and cities around went missing. By some account the numbers are in 50 to 60 person a year.  It is believed that Haiwa Tab and his gang were killing these people and dressing them in the PishMarg clothes and delivering them to IR for bounty.
Haiwa Tab's crimes does not end there.Once he tried to black mail the Imam Jomeeh's family. Apparently the Imam Jomeeh body guards captured Haiwa Tab and drove him in chains to Hamedan, city close to Tehran and Many Many miles from Kurdistan. There they left him bare foot and with no money to walk back to Marivan. After his return, he supposedly attacked the Imam Jomeh's car and killed the occupants, which happen to be his son and a couple of other passengers.

The other character of note here is the son of Imam Jomeeh. Despite being the son of top religious figure and follower of IR in Marivan, he was known to extend a help free those who were captured by IR agents and Sepah. One of the people I talked to said that he, himself has been rescued twice by this young man.

And now for the Kurdish 007, Mri jalil Fatahi. I asked to see if any one know why MI6 would send an agent to Marivan of all places. My new found friends responded ,through a lough burst of laughter, no he is not an agent. He is a chicken farmer. He also had owned a taxi and had worked for the parks services as a forest ranger. He was in fact a well respected social activist, helping kids on drugs with his own money. One of the things that stood out to me was that while working as a forest ranger, Mr. Fatahi had found large plantations of opium poppy and suspected that the fields belonged to Sepah members. He also suspected that uncommon large fires that seem to burn in Kurdistan forests are an attempt to prepare the land for poppy plantations.  It is known that Sepah actively deals in narcotics so this did not seem too far fetched and it also explains the raid on Mr. jalalian's house and confiscation of his computer and papers. Both he and his wife were accused of being British spies, however after he left Iran secretly, his wife and son flew out of Tehran's main airport without any problems. So the spy story does not seem to hold much water, well at least not for one of the two alleged spies.

So we come to the last person, Loghman Moradi, who is not related to Zaniar Moradi. Loghman's father worked in department of roads and was a driver. After Mr. Jalalian had left, there were two broken down cars on his property which Mrs Jalalian wanted removed. Loghman was the one who moved the cars using his fathers flat bed truck.

So here are all the little links in this chain. On one hand we have IR's story of James Bond of Marivan and the two juvenile delinquents or a dangerous criminal who crossed the line at revenge killing of Imam Jomeeh son? I leave it up to you to decide!!

جوانان اعدامی، جیمز باند مریوان ودزد سر گردنه گیر ، داستان زانیارو لقمان مرادی، جلیل فتاحی و هیوا تاب

چند روزی بود  که در بدر دنبال اطلاعات از زانیار ولقمان مرادی میگشتم .البته به دلیل هم اسم بودن این دو جوان من آنها را برادر یا فامیل میانگاشتم . به هر حال پس از جست و جو چند نفر از اشخاص ساکن مریوان را پیدا کردم که حاضر به گفتن داستان زانیار شدند . یکی از همین دوستان هم مرا در تماس با پدر زانیار گذشت و قادر شدم که با ایشان  مصاحبه ی تلفنی انجام بدهم .
این شرح  را با مصاحبه کوتاه خودم با آقای اقبال مرادی، پدر زانیار مرادی  آغاز میکنم.
آقای اقبال مرادی لطفا چند نکته راجع به زانیار و زندگی او قبل از دستگیر شدن برای دوستان بفرمایید
"زانیار پسر دوم من است که در شانزده سالگی دستگیر شد . زانیار به دلایل مالی تا کلاس سوم دبیرستان بیشتر درس نخوانده و بعد از ان به کار مشغول بوده. بنده از ۱۶-۱۷ سالگی وارد کارهای سیاسی شدم و چندی هم در زندان بسر بردم. چند سال پیش به دلیل همکاری با یکی از احزاب کردستان تحت تعقیب قرار گرفتم و بلاخره با همسرم از ایران خارج شدم و الان هم از خارج ایران با شما صحبت میکنم."

آقای مرادی آیا شما با لقمان مرادی رابطه فامیلی دارید؟
"نه، لقمان و زانیار فامیل نیستند و من پدر لقمان را میشناختم که ایشون در اداره راه کار میکردند و راننده بودند ."

آقای مرادی چرا وقتی از ایران رفتید زانیار را با خود نبردید ؟
" به دو دلیل، دلیل اول این بود که پدر و مادر پیری دارم که توان خروج از ایران را نداشتند و زانیار چون بچه کوچک من بود به پدر و مادر بزرگ خود علاقه بسیاری داشت و خواست که در ایران بماند که از آنها نگه داری کند. دلیل دوم هم این بود که من می دانستم که دولت با من تخاصم دارد ولی فکر نمیکردم که به خوانواده من صدمه بزند . البته الان میدانم که این فکر اشتباهی بود."

آقای مرادی پس شما فکر میکنید که دستگیری زانیار به دلیل انتقام گیری دولت از شما بوده؟
"بله چون زانیار هیچ گونه فعلیات  سیاسی نداشت و حتی حزب کومله هم اظهار کرده که زانیار جزو کومله  نبوده است. زانیار به جرم کشتن پسر امام جمه مریوان به زندان افتاده ولی   پسر امام جمعه دراواسط  تیر ماه ترور شد و شخص دیگری هم به نام هیوا تاب به همین جرم  مدتی است که در زندان است. "

آقای مرادی ، شما که بنا به اظهار  خودتان سالهاست که از ایران خارج شدید . چرا فکر میکنید که الان پس از این همه وقت دولت به دنبال زانیار آمده؟" دولت هیچ وقت دست از تعقیب  من  بر نداشته بود و  در ۲۷ اسفند شخصی را به شهرهای که من در ان زندگی میکنم فرستادند که مرا ترور بکند . این شخص به من با اسلحه شلیک کرد و من زلهمی شدم و چند ماهی در بیمارستان بودم. همین در بیمارستان بود که خبر دستگیری زانیار را برای من آوردند

آقای مرادی شما چه پیامی برای خوانندگان ما دارید؟
"من از همه دوستاران حقوق بشر و از همه مردم آزاده  ایران تقاضا دارم که صدای مظلوم تمام این بچه ها را که در زندان های و شکنجه گاه های جمهوری اسلامی هستند را به گوش همه دنیا برسانند . من فقط برای پسر خودم تقاضا نمیکنم ، چون تمام این بچه های آزاده فرزندان من هستند. صدای مظلومیت این بچه های مرا به دنیا برسانید ."

بعد از این مصاحبه من دوباره با  دوستان ساکن مریوان تماس گرفتم که بعضی از این جزئیات را بیشتر تحقیق کنم .
داستان از پسر امام جمعه مریوان شروع میشود. این جوان با وجود اینکه پسر  امام جمعه بوده ولی در میان مردم معروف بوده  به کمک به کسانی که با سپاه و عوامل رژیم درگیری پیدا میکردند. یکی از همین دوستان به من گفت که خود ایشان دو بار به کمک همین پسر جوان از دست ماموران جمهوری اسلامی  نجات پیدا کرده است. نفر دوم این قصه کسی است به نام هیوا تاب که از اهالی مریوان بوده و همکاری های گستردهای به ماموران دولت داشته . به گفته مردم هیوا تاب معروف بوده که باج گیری و آدم کشی و گفته میشود حدود ۵۰ -۶۰ نفر را به قتل رسانده . از جمله جنایات این شخص کشتن چوپان ها است که در نقاط دور دست  گله داری میکردند. هیوا تاب بعد از کشتن اینها لباس پیشمرگان را به تنشان میکرده و به عنوان پیشمرگ جسد آنها را به دولت میفروخته و برای هر کدام مبلغ کلانی می گرفته.حتا گفته شده که هیوا تاب و باند او بودند که سه آمریکایی را در خاک عراق دزدیدند و به دست ماموران جمهوری اسلامی دادند . خبری در میان مردم آمده که یک زمانی هیوا تاب دست به باج گیری از خوانواده امام جمعه زده  ولی  آنها هیوا تاب دست گیر کردند و  دست و پا بسته به همدان بردند و آنجا پیاده رهایش کردند. به گفته مردم ، هیوا تاب برای انتقام از این عمل ، بعد از برگشتن به مریوان به ماشین پسر امام جمعه حمله کرده و او را به همراه چند نفر دیگر  به قتل رسانده. چندی بعد به اصراراما م جمعه  مریوان ، آقای مصطفی شیر زادی ،هیوا تاب  دستگیر شده و اکنون در زندان مریوان است . شنیده شده که هیوا تاب در زندان شغل باز جویی از زندانیان را دارد.
و اما حالا داستان جاسوس انگلیسی  . چون جلیل فتاحی هم اهل  مریوان بوده من از این دوستان پرسیدم که از او چه میدانند و چطور ممکن است که جاسوس انگلیسی در میان مردم مریوان خود را پنهان کند. آیا در مریوان چیزی هست که برای ان جاسوسی واجب باشد؟  دوستان با خنده جواب دادند که آقای فتاحی از ساکنان قدیمی مریوان است و مرغ داری و یک تاکسی داشته و نه تنها جاسوس نبوده بلکه فعال مدنی و اجتماعی بوده . به گفته این دوستان ایشون از سرمایه خود به جوانان معتاد کمک میکردند و از این نظر شناخته شده بودند. مدتی هم ایشون برای  اداره جنگلبانی و حفاظت محیط زیست کار میکردند. در این زمان آقای فتاحی متوجه کشت زارهای واسیع خشخاش در جنگلهای مریوان شدند و باور داشتند که این کشتزارها متعلق به سپاه پاسداران است و دلیل سوزاندن جنگلهای مریوان برای آمده کردن زمین برای کشت خشخاش است . پرسیدم پس شما باور ندارید که ایشون جاسوس انگلیس بوده و  دستور قتل پسر امام جمعه را داده ؟ دوباره صدای خنده دوستان از پشت تلفن آمد که آخر اگر ایشون و همسرشون جاسوس بودند ،چرا همسرشون به راحتی از فرودگاه تهران به انگلیس پرواز کرده؟ و حتا هم اگر جاسوس بودند چرا پسر امام جمعه را بکشند؟ چرا سردار های سپاه را نکشتند ؟
به  هر حال بد دلیل اینکه من دسترسی به آقای فتاحی نداشتم این مساله جاسوس بودن ایشان را رها کردم و ازدوستان از  لقمان پرسیدم  و رابطه لقمان با خوانواده فتاحی . گویا بعد از فرار آقای فتاحی از ایران دو تا ماشین در خانه  ایشان بوده که کار نمیکرده و لقمان چون بدرش به ماشین تریلی کوچک دسترسی داشته این دو ماشین را از جلوی خانه اینها برداشته و برده است . این تنها حلقه ای بود که توانستم پیدا کنم که لقمان را به این قصه وصل میکرد.
البته من این را به اختیار شما میگذارم که برای خود تصمیم بگیرید ، آیا جاسوس انگلیسی در مریوان به این دو جوان که هیچ کدام سابقه کار سیاسی یا غیر قانونی ندارند  پول داده که پسر اما جمعه را به قتل برسانند و یا هیوا تاب ، آدم کشی که سالها  با دولت همکاری میکرده از خط قرمز رد شده و پسر امام جمعه را از روی کینه کشته .  آیا جمهوری اسلامی به جای اقبال مرادی میخواهد پسرش زینار را اعدام کند و این داستان مسخره ۰۰۷ مریوان را درست کرده که با یک تیر دو نشان بزند?  هم از اقبال مرادی انتقام بگیرد و هم دلیلی برای قتل فعال مدنی جلیل فتاحی بدست بیاورد. 

مصاحبه با آقای اقبال مرادی ، پدر زانیار مرادی

ن شرح  را با مصاحبه کوتاه خودم با آقای اقبال مرادی آغاز میکنم.
آقای اقبال مرادی لطفا چند نکته راجع به زانیار و زندگی او قبل از دستگیر شدن برای دوستان بفرمایید
"زانیار پسر دوم من است که در شانزده سالگی دستگیر شد . زانیار به دلیل مالی تا کلاس سوم دبیرستان بیشتر درس نخوانده و بعد از ان به کار مشغول بوده. بنده از ۱۶-۱۷ سالگی وارد کارهای سیاسی شدم و چندی هم در زندان بسر بردم. چند سال پیش به دلیل همکاری با یکی از احزاب کردستان تحت تعقیب قرار گرفتم و بلاخره با همسرم از ایران خارج شدم و الان هم از خارج ایران با شما صحبت میکنم."
آقای مرادی آیا شما با لقمان مرادی رابطه فامیلی دارید؟
"نه، لقمان و زانیار فامیل نیستند و من پدر لقمان را میشناختم که ایشون در اداره راه کار میکردند و راننده بودند ."
آقای اقبال چرا وقتی از ایران رفتید زانیار را با خود نبردید ؟

" به دو دلیل، دلیل اول این بود که پدر و مادر پیری دارم که توان خروج از ایران را نداشتند و زانیار چون بچه کوچک من بود به پدر و مادر بزرگ خود علاقه بسیاری داشت و خواست که در ایران بماند که از آنها نگه داری کند. دلیل دوم هم این بود که من می دانستم که دولت با من تخاصم دارد ولی فکر نمیکردم که به خوانواده من صدمه بزند . البته الان میدانم که این فکر اشتباهی بود."
  آقای مرادی ، شما که بنا به اظهار  خودتان سالهاست که از ایران خارج شدید . چرا فکر میکنید که الان پس از این همه وقت دولت به دنبال زانیار آمده؟
" دولت هیچ وقت دست از تعقیب  من  بر نداشته بود و  در ۲۷ اسفند شخصی را به شهرهای که من در ان زندگی میکنم فرستادند که مرا ترور بکند . این شخص به من با اسلحه شلیک کرد و من چند ماهی در بیمارستان بودم. همین در بیمارستان بود که خبر دستگیری زانیار را برای من آوردند."
آقای مرادی پس شما فکر میکنید که دستگیری زانیار به دلیل انتقام گیری دولت از شما بوده؟
"بله چون زانیار هیچ گونه فعلیا سیاسی نداشت و حتی حزب کومله هم اظهار کرده که زانیار جزو این گروه نبوده است. زانیار به جرم کشتن پسر امام جمه مریوان به زندان افتاده ولی   پسر امام جمعه دراواسط  تیر ماه ترور شد و شخص دیگری هم به نام هیوا تاب به همین جرم  مدتی است که در زندان است. "
آقای مرادی شما چه پیامی برای خوانندگان ما دارید؟
"من از همه دوستاران حقوق بشر و از همه مردم آزاده  ایران تقاضا دارم که صدای مظلوم تمام این بچه ها را که در زندان های و شکنجه گاه های جمهوری اسلامی هستند را به گوش همه دنیا برسانند . من فقط برای پسر خودم تقاضا نمیکنم ، چون تمام این بچه های آزاده فرزندان من هستند. صدای مظلومیت این بچه های مرا به دنیا برسانید ."

The Bloody Decade

Join and support Iran Tribunal

 How the history will judge us?

During the summer of 1988, thousands of Iranian political prisoners were taken from their cells and executed.  All over Iran, men and women were blindfolded and shot, or hanged in exercise yards or prayer halls.  None of them was taken to trial, instead they were asked a few questions by what became known as the “Death Commission”, and sentenced to death according to their responses. These prisoners had survived the mass executions of the early years of 1980s and were in the process of serving their long sentences. 

No one knows the exact number of those executed a consequence of censorship and severe repression in Iran. But, to this day, there are around 5,000 known names of victims which have been documented by families, political parties and organizations.  Many of those who were killed had served their sentences, but were still in prison as they would not agree to the conditions of their release.  Victims were either shot by a firing squad or were hanged.

Their bodies were buried in mass graves, the locations of which remain undisclosed.  To this day, many families do not know where their loved ones are buried.  The Islamic Republic of Iran refuses to give any information about where the graves are located, but a number of graves have been discovered by the families. The most well-known graves were found in Khavaran cemetery in the southwest suburbs of Tehran, the capital of Iran. Khavaran is an abandoned Bahai cemetery.  

The massacre was the climax of a massive elimination process from 1981 to 1988, under which around 20,000 dissidents disappeared, either dying under torture or being executed by firing squads.  According to political prisoners who survived the killings, young girls were raped with support from the Sharia laws before they were executed by firing squad.  A woman's rape is frequently the last act that precedes her execution in Iran.  Under Sharia law in Iran, virgin girls are not allowed to be executed.  This practice has been documented by families, former political prisoners, the Iranian opposition and human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

Over the years since these terrible massacres took place, family members of the victims, former political prisoners, opposition political parties and human rights organizations have attempted to bring to the attention of the world the murderous campaign of the Islamic Republic of Iran by various means; publishing statements and statistics and holding seminars and demonstrations.

In spite of all these efforts, the world at large is not aware of the extent of this human tragedy.  Family members, especially the children whose parents were killed, have only had one wish over all these years; to bring to justice the murderers of their loved ones. Their lives have been deeply affected by this tragedy, but they cannot seek justice in Iran.  Investigating the killings and holding the perpetrators of these murders to account is practically impossible in Iran, as long as many of the perpetrators continue to occupy seats of power in Iran, independent judicial institutions are non-existent; the judiciary has been directly and indirectly an accomplice in these crimes, and is itself seen as one of the instigators of suppression in Iran. 

Investigating people’s grievances against their governments is not within the jurisdiction of international courts because they operate within government frameworks and, as such, would not be able to preside over such cases.  Courts in Western countries operate within well-defined laws and, with the exception of a few individual cases, do not deal with complaints against governments. Cases of genocide and crimes against humanity committed by governments do not fall within the remits of these courts either.

According to international penal laws, the mass executions of the early years of the 1980s and the massacre of the political prisoners in the summer of 1988 constitute crimes against humanity.

According to international penal laws, a crime against humanity is defined as part of a systematic or widespread attack against civilians.  Widespread means an attack is a “massive”, frequent, large scale action carried out collectively with considerable violence and directed against a multitude of people.  A systematic attack is also a qualitative term, pointing to the organised nature of the act of violence and improbability of its random occurrence.

The 1988 killings were certainly widespread and part of a comprehensive organized illegal action that began in June 1981 with mass executions and lasted until September 1988 with the massacre.  They were geographically dispersed across the country and the number of victims is estimated to be 20,000, although the exact figure is open to debate.  And they were systematic.  The “crimes” committed by these prisoners consisted of expressing their non-violent political beliefs, perhaps by selling newspapers or attending meetings or demonstrations.

Political prisoners, whether in the early years of 1980s or in the summer of 1998, were not afforded anything even remotely resembling a trial, let alone a fair trial.  They were arrested on very vague charges, tortured, and then taken to a room where their charges and sentences were communicated to them.  The whole process lasted only a minute or two.  No legal process was followed.  No defense was allowed.  No appeals.  No safeguards.

Family members, children in particular, who were able to leave Iran and settle in western countries have, on different occasions, pleaded for justice, but no governments or justice departments are willing to take up their cause.  For this reason, until a real process is undertaken to seek justice in Iran, a group of individuals composed of the families of the victims, former political prisoners, survivors of this human tragedy, political, labour and human right activists, women’s rights activists, lawyers, students, children’s rights activists, writers and journalists have been holding regular meetings since October 2007 to assess the possibility of setting up an internationally symbolic tribunal, where the Islamic Republic of Iran would be called to account for its crimes against humanity.  This symbolic inquest will have the authority to bring this human tragedy, concealed and unacknowledged for so long, onto the world stage, where the brutality and cruelty of the Islamic regime can at last be examined, exposed and judged.

The world should know what took place in Iran in the 1980s - in the summer of 1988 in particular.  The horror and brutality was of such criminal magnitude that if it can be exposed, and we believe the evidence will be sufficiently convincing, then the Islamic Republic of Iran should be condemned and held to account.

The Tribunal has a clear historical precedent and will be modelled on the tribunals set up by Bertrand Russell and Jean Paul Sartre in their 1965-1967 world campaign against the American atrocities in the Vietnam War. In late 1967, the campaign planned two sessions in Paris and Copenhagen, but, due to the French government refusal, the Paris hearing was moved to Stockholm. The Copenhagen session resembled a Truth Commission.  A panel of twenty five prominent legal experts, writers, poets, journalists, academics, philosophers, political activists and representatives of labour movements from eighteen countries was chaired by Russell and Sartre. The tribunals were held in Stockholm and Copenhagen and attended by such world famous writers as Simone De Beauvoir and several noble laureates.

Our own task is different in many ways and more difficult, but the same responsibility remains.  How can such atrocities be prevented?  The procedures of a trial or a truth commission are impossible to implement.  We do not represent any state power, nor can we compel the perpetrators responsible for crimes against the people of Iran to stand accused before us.  We believe that these apparent limitations are, in fact, virtues.  We are free to conduct a solemn and historic investigation, unrestricted by the confines of state or other such obligations.

The proposal will allow tens of thousands of families of victims to have a voice.  We have learned from history if the account of an atrocity does not transcend the boundaries of a country, and if the world doesn’t hear about it, history will repeat itself and human society will witness such crimes again and again.

This Tribunal will examine all the evidence that may be placed before it by any source or party.  The evidence may be oral, or in the form of documents.  No evidence relevant to our purposes will be refused attention and no competent witness who wishes to testify at the inquiry will be denied a hearing.

Hundreds of family members of the victims are willing to provide the necessary information, including checking the accuracy and reliability of the information. They offer to help by the production of evidence and attending the sessions.  The Islamic Republic of Iran will be invited to present evidence or cause it to be presented, and to instruct its officials or representatives to appear and state their case.  Our purpose is to establish, without fear or favour, the full truth about the bloody decade of the 1980s. We sincerely hope that our efforts will contribute to world justice and to the establishment of a more secure world for oppressed peoples.

In order to carry out this humanitarian and historical task, the tribunal would require a commission of inquiry composed of 6 to 10 high profile jurists and a panel(jury) of 12 to 15 international figures composed of prominent legal experts, academics, writers, playwrights, reporters, Noble Prize Winners …).

Stages of the investigation

According to the proposed plan, the Tribunal will compromise of two stages: A “Commission of Inquiry” and the “tribunal”.

The Commission of Inquiry will aim to collect statements, witness documents, dossiers and to publish and report on extensive executions in the early 1980s as well as mass execution of political prisoners in 1987. The commission will also prepare recommendations regarding instances of human rights violation, arrest, torture and execution of political opponents and ways of avoiding such violations in future.

Commission of Inquiry allow victims, relatives of victims, journalists, experts and perpetrators to come forth and provide testimony.  The strict rules governing the introduction of evidence in trials are typically more relaxed in truth commissions.  As a result, during truth commissions, there is a greater opportunity for individuals to come forward with stories of harms they have suffered.

The raison d'etre of the Truth commission is to allow victims to have a voice, to publicize the abuses of human rights, and to account for past atrocities. 

The Commission of Inquiry, set up to investigate the murder of political prisoners, will be an unusual phenomenon, because  In addition, the prosecution taken up by the commission is unusual as it will deal with human rights violation by a government that is still in power. The Commission would require a panel of international experts (preferably composed of illegal, political experts, academics and reporters). Although the presence of lawyers/judges is important, it is preferable that the panel of experts is not comprised exclusively lawyers/judges, since such a panel would convey the impression that the commission is intended as a legal proceeding rather than as a fact-finding proceeding. A professionally diverse panel would be best.

The jury will be supplied with witness statements from the victims, their families and experts over a period of one to two weeks. During this period, individuals who produce statements can appear in person or deposit witness statements in writing. Witnesses must limit their statements to personal experiences or areas of expertise. For example, families of political prisoners must limit their statements to what happened regarding the death of their relatives. Once the jury heard all the statements, it must produce a written report, encompassing all of its findings, publish the report and submit it to the court. The report must provide detailed research of the events of 1980s and  in particular the events surrounding mass execution of prisoners in the summer of 1988, referring to those responsible for these crimes , clarifying how the court should investigate this matter.

The court

The court's proceedings will also be unusual, because amongst trials held over the last 100 years, it will be the second people’s court, taking up the case against a government, the other one being the Russell tribunal, held against the crimes of the United States in Vietnam. The tribunal will investigate the findings of the Commission of Inquiry and will issue a judgements based on this.

The court needs a jury (an international panel) with members from well known, progressive writers, reporters, lawyers, academics, political and labour activists, intellectuals from various countries. The important issue is that representatives from the families of those executed should be present in the commission and the court. There is no need for two separate juries. We propose a panel with twenty members and a smaller group, about a third of the panel, will be elected to run the commission.

As the dossier of this bloody decade in Iran, has so far been ignored by the international media, it would be best if the panel would be made up of influential international figures

It is important to involve independent human rights, legal and reporters organisations from  other countries, especially those involved in similar  experiences, such as families of political prisoners executed in Chile, mothers of the disappeared in Argentina, political prisoner support groups in Turkey... As more organisations get involved, we can rely on increased publicity, both before and after setting up the tribunal.

No doubt, it is important that the commission draws the attention of mass media to its proceedings. Reporters must be given the opportunity to cover the statement of witnesses (unless a witness has requested privacy). In addition, published reports must be distributed amongst Iranian and non Iranian media outlets. Members of the jury have a duty to write reports and articles regarding their experience in the jury or the panel. The final report of the truth commission and the court's verdict should be used for publicity internationally.

Join and support Iran Tribunal

مردم سنندج به نیروهای سرکوب اسلامی حمله کردند!

Nasrin Ramazanali 

مردم سنندج به نیروهای سرکوب اسلامی حمله کردند!
درگیری مردم با نیروهای سرکوب اسلامی در میدان آزادی
بدنبال تجمع اعتراضی مردم برای جلوگیری از اعدام حبیب لطیفی روز شنبه 4 دیماه در شهر سنندج که عملا رژیم اسلامی را وادار به عقب نشینی نمود، از یک سو یک فضای مملو از همبستگی و هیجان در میان مردم و از سوی دیگر یک حکومت نظامی اعلام نشده از سوی رژیم اسلامی در شهر سنندج حاکم است. رژیم اسلامی کاملا روحیه همبستگی و خشم مردم را درک کرده و از این رو بسیار در هراس است. برای مقابله با اعتراضات احتمالی مردم، رژیم اسلامی نیروهای سرکوب خود را در شهر رها کرده و آنها مردم را مورد اذیت و آزار قرار می دهند.
امروز چهارشنبه پانزده دیماه ساعت 13 و 15 دقیقه نیروهای سرکوب اسلامی در میدان آزادی قصد دستگیری یک عابر را داشتند. این فرد در مقابل دستگیری مقاومت می کند و با صدای بلند به مامورین اعتراض می کند. نیروهای سرکوب جوان را با باتوم مورد ضرب و شتم قرار می دهند و در چشمانش اسپری فلفل می پاشند. مردمی که در محل حضور داشتند با مشاهده این صحنه سریعا نیروهای سرکوب را محاصره می کنند، جوان را فراری می دهند، باتوم ها را از دست مزدوران درمی آورند و آنها را مورد ضرب و شتم قرار می دهند. نیروهای سرکوب دست به تیراندازی می زنند که در نتیجه آن متاسفانه یک کودک 12 ساله از ناحیه زانو زخمی می شود. تعدادی کودک مجروح را سریعا به بیمارستان انتقال می دهند. و بقیه نیروهای مزدور را مورد بازدید بدنی قرار می دهند و کارت شناسایی مزدوری که آن کودک را مجروح کرده بود، توقیف می کنند. نام این فرد پوریا فقیه سلیمانی، گروهبان کلانتری 11 در انتهای شهرک سعدی است.
بدنبال این واقعه مهم و تحسین برانگیز، شهر سنندج ناآرام و ملتهب است. رژیم اسلامی در شهر حالت فوق العاه اعلام کرده و در تمام خیابان ها و میدانهای اصلی شهر نیروهای سرکوب خود را مستقر کرده است.
مردم آزادیخواه و مبارز سنندج!
مقاومت و اعتراض شما به نیروهای سرکوب اسلامی تحسین برانگیز است. حزب اتحاد کمونیسم کارگری به شما بخاطر شجاعت و همبستگی تان درود می فرستد. باید این فضای اعتراض و مقاومت را زنده نگاه داریم. نباید اجازه دهیم که رژیم اسلامی این چنین بی محابا مردم را مورد اذیت و آزار قرار دهد و همه ما را در یک زندان بزرگ اسیر نماید. تنها با اعتراض جمعی و متحد می توانیم این رژیم را عقب بنشانیم. هرگاه متحد و همبسته عمل کرده ایم، موفق شده ایم رژیم را عقب بنشانیم. اما این رژیم سرکوب و اعدام همواره پس از عقب نشینی بشکل دیگری یورش می کند. باید هشیار باشیم. باید متحد و همبسته باقی بمانیم. باید متشکل شویم. رژیم اسلامی از مردم متشکل و سازمانیافته بشدت در هراس است. تا زمانیکه حرکات ما مجزا و خودانگیخته است، این رژیم با تحمل یک عقب نشینی موقت، بلافاصله به ما حمله می کند. باید در سازمان های خود متشکل شویم: در شوراهای محلات، شوراهای کارگری، دانشجویی، محصلین، شوراهای سرخ ها. این تنها راه عقب نشاندن رژیم تا سرنگونی آنست.
مرگ بر جمهوری اسلامی
آزادی، برابری، حکومت کارگری
زنده باد جمهوری سوسیالیستی
حزب اتحاد کمونیسم کارگری
15 دیماه 1389- 5 ژانویه 2011

فراخوان برای نجات جان حسین خضری Call to save Hossain Khazri's life


Please write to Navi Pillay, the UN High Commissioner for the Office of Human Rights; Amnesty International; and Human Rights Watch fulfilling Hossein Khezri's request to act on his behalf and asking for his sentence to be overturned and a new, impartial trial to be held, with access to legal counsel, protection from coerced confessions and no possibility of exe

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Please write to Navi Pillay, the UN High Commissioner for the Office of Human Rights; Amnesty International; and Human Rights Watch fulfilling Hossein Khezri's request to act on his behalf and asking for his sentence to be overturned and a new, impartial trial to be held, with access to legal counsel, protection from coerced confessions and no possibility of execution. A sample letter you can use, or modify, follows.
To:

• Navi Pillay, UN High Commissioner for the Office of Human Rights: npillay@ohchr.org
• Amnesty International iranalert@amnesty.org
• Jo Becker, Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch beckerj@hrw.org

Subject: Condemned Political Prisoner Hossein Khezri Appeals to Human Rights Organizations
Dear Name,
I am writing to you regarding the case of Hossein Khezri (also written Khazri or Khazari), a Kurdish political prisoner in Iran at imminent risk of execution. Mr. Khezri has asked human rights activists and organizations to appeal for his life. Mr. Khazeri is charged with Moharabeh and sentenced to death due to an alleged membership in Kurdish opposition parties.
Mr. Khezri did not receive adequate legal representation, as guaranteed by UN conventions. The judicial proceedings erroneously called a "trial" by the Islamic Republic consisted of a 7-or-8-minute appearance in court when the verdict was read. Although his lawyer was present in court at this time, Mr. Khezri was not permitted a defense statement or any other form of adequate legal representation.
Mr. Khezri was subjected to torture during the early months of his detention, which is an abhorrent violation of the UN Convention Against Torture, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a signatory. The Islamic Republic is also choosing to ignore another important responsibility, the one that states any nation still resorting to execution as a barbaric method of punishment is to reserve the practice only for the most extreme cases. Iran is violating Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) by condemning Hossein Khezri to death for membership in Kurdish opposition groups.
Likely as a result of his torture and the deplorable conditions in prison, Hossein has developed serious medical problems. On 7 May, Iran Human Rights Voice reported that he is being denied medical treatment and has lost nearly 25% of the vision in his right eye. Mr. Khezri is also being denied access to legal representation. Unbelievably, Iran is a signatory to the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which declares, "Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him." The ICCPR also protects the right to legal representation.
I urge you to speak publicly for Mr. Khezri's life and that his execution sentence is immediately overturned, as membership in a political organization is not justification for execution. Hossein Khezri should be granted a new trial with adequate legal representation and free from coercion, as demanded by international laws to which Iran is a signatory.
Sincerely,
Your Name


VIA  

Stop The Executions

http://iran.elple.net/node/76

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در اعتراض به بازداشت خانواده حبیب با شماره های مراجع تقلید تماس بگیریم؛
Ayt. Javadi Aamly آیت الله جوادی آملی: 00982517724424
2Ayat. Makarm Shirazi - آیت الله مکارم شیرازی: 00982517840003
3Ayat. Mazaheri- آیت الله مظاهری: 00983114464691
4Ayat. Noori Hamedani - آیت الله نوری همدانی: 00982517831000
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وکلای کرد در مجلس ایران Kurdish Ministers in Iran

Sanandaj Mr. Amin Shaabani سنندج / امين شعبانی 09122185829 / 2253244 رئيس

فراكسيون نمايندگان كُرد در مجلس ايلام / داريوش قنبری 09121096493 سخنگوی Speakers for Kurdish members of Parliament Mr. Daryush Ghanbari

فراكسيون اصلاح طلبان-کرمانشاه / جهانبخش امينی 09181315057 / KermanShah Reformists Mr. Jahanbakhsh Amimi

22375475- قصرشيرين / فرهاد تجری 09181347995 / 8359599 Ghasr Shirin Mr. Farhad Tajri

Head of Legal Commission of Mahabad Mr. Jalal Mahmood Zadeh رييس كميسيون

قضايی-مهاباد / جلال محمودزاده 223446 /


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